Friday, 5 February 1993

NEW RADICAL? INTERVIEW WITH JACK STRAW

Tribune, 5 February 1993

On the eve of Labour's local government conference, the party's environment spokesman talks to Paul Anderson

“I understand how difficult it is to be a councillor," says Jack Straw, Labour's envi­ronment spokesman. "I was a councillor myself 20 years ago in Islington."

Not that things are quite as they were in the ear­ly seventies. "The only problem we faced was spending money fast enough," he says. "We used to have urgent housing meetings because the deadline for spending money was running out."

Straw, now 46, has been MP for Blackburn since 1979 and a Labour front-bencher since 1980. But he is new to his current brief: from 1987 until John Smith's Shadow Cabinet reshuffle last summer, he was Labour's education spokesman. Many saw him move to environment as demotion, particularly as it was announced that he would be concentrating on local government, leaving the big green issues to Chris Smith. Bryan Gould, the previous environ­ment spokesman, had dealt with global warming as well as refuse collection.

Straw thinks otherwise. "Local government is a key power base for Labour," he says. "We run ur­ban Britain, quite a lot of rural Scotland and Wales and a bit of rural England. Since we've been out of power nationally for 14 years, it's the main experi­ence people have of Labour making decisions. How we run local government is central to Labour's sur­vival and success."

He admits, however, that most people find the experience of Labour in local government less than glamorous. "Partly as a result of the denigration of local government by the Tories and partly be­cause local councillors have had to manage their services in a defensive way, councillors have been seen to have a very prosaic role." As well as expos­ing the Tories* attacks on local government, he says, he wants "to make local government exciting to people and relevant to what they think they can get out of their lives. Local government is more than just a service provider for poor people. Apart from all the services that everyone uses, the urban environment is something that affects everyone."

Straw rejects the idea that the Conservatives have so reduced the autonomy and powers of local government that it has ceased even to be the "dent­ed shield" that Neil Kinnock talked of in the mid-eighties.

"I understand the problems," he says. "But at any level of service, there's an efficient, sensitive way of delivering it and an inefficient, insensitive way. Even within the current constraints, there are lots of ways in which Labour makes a difference. They may appear limited but they can be very im­portant." He goes on to mention councils' roles in education and social services and the ways in which their planning decisions and initiatives on transport can transform the built environment.

At the moment, however, his most immediate problem is not selling the idea that local govern­ment makes a difference but convincing a sceptical public that Lambeth, currently rocked by a giant corruption scandal, is not typical of Labour coun­cils. "I'm damned if we're going to be tarred with the brush of Lambeth," he says. "Especially as we cleared out the 13 semi-Trotskyist councillors. It is since the new leadership has been installed that ac­tion has been taken." Labour will be using Lam­beth to warn people of the dangers of "ultra-left" politics, he goes on.

"Corruption, wherever it happens, whether in government or private business, needs to be stamped on firmly. It rips people off. There are at least as many examples of corruption in central government and in Tory authorities as in Labour authorities. The insinuation that Labour equals corruption is completely untrue." All the same, he reckons that the Lambeth scandal should prompt a "thorough review" of local government accounting systems and that a new statement of ethics for councillors and officers needs to be drawn up.
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In the longer term, ways of improving the quality of councillors need to be found. Labour should take seriously all the options, from paying full-time councillors to introducing American-style elected mayors, says Straw. Rather than defending exist­ing local government structures, he says, "We must not forget that the status quo is a status quo creat­ed by the Tories."

On policy, however, he is prepared to accept two of the key changes introduced by the Conservatives in recent years. Compulsory competitive tendering and the council tax would be retained by Labour, he says. "There is wide acceptance that the division between contractor and provider that CCT has pro­duced has been sensible. It has meant that in areas of basic services there are now clear definitions of what services should be provided. But, while I have seen the case for CCT for the provision of basic ser­vices such as refuse collection, I'm very sceptical about using it for core management functions. I'm not in favour of following the Tories' agenda. They want wholly contracted-out public services.”

He takes a similar line on the council tax. "The underlying principle of council tax is OK - it's a property tax. But some of its practice is bad. We’ll be working out how it can be changed so that it be­comes much more like what we wanted in the fair rates system."

In particular, Labour would ditch the "capping" system to control the level of council tax. "On that Fm, absolutely clear," says Straw. "Central govern­ment should not have control over what local au­thorities raise locally. What I want to see is a sys­tem in which central government makes its alloca­tion of grant based on what it thinks is needed and, beyond that, what an authority raises is a matter between it and its electors." There should be annu­al local elections, and their timing should be changed so that voting takes place immediately af­ter council budgets are set.

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In recent weeks, of course, Straw has been making the headlines not for his pronounce­ments on local government finance but for speaking out on the monarchy and on Clause Four of Labour's constitution, which commits the party to social ownership.

He says that he is amazed at the reaction to his speech calling for a Scandinavian-style monarchy, a conclusion he came to after reading Diana: Her True Story by Andrew Morton, "a remarkably subversive document that exposes a deeply decadent and detached system for which we are all paying”.

"It hadn't occurred to me before that the royals were at the apex of a separate society of extremely rich people," he says, adding that he has had as many supportive letters as critical ones in the fort­night since his speech.

On Clause Four, on which he has been writing a "small treatise", he complains that he has been misrepresented. "It doesn't follow that if you mention the words and suggest that there should be some alteration that you have the blood of the traitor within you. I passionately believe in the role of public ownership and control within the econo­my.

"But we have to develop a much deeper analysis of the defects of free markets. We ought to have the confidence to develop from that analysis a new set of words to express our beliefs for the next century. What I want to do is stimulate a debate about ide­ology, and Clause Four is at the heart of the argu­ment about what the party stands for."

Straw's willingness to rethink Clause Four caused the Sunday Times to describe him as "the leader of Labour's new radicals" but on several of the key issues now facing the party he is what Wapping journalists usually describe as a conser­vative. Although he reckons that there is "a fair amount" to learn from Bill Clinton's campaign in the United States - the Democrats won middle America, concentrated on the economy and re­sponded quickly to Republican attacks - he is no uncritical admirer of the American President or his programme. "Workfare is just barmy," says Straw.

Similarly, on the thorny question of Labour's re­lationship with the unions, he favours "close consti­tutional links", while on electoral reform he is a bit­ter enemy of anything smacking of proportional representation for the House of Commons. On Eu­rope, he is one of the most sceptical members of the Shadow Cabinet.
So is Straw inconsistent? Perhaps, but the real problem is the categories used by the Sunday Times (along with the rest of the media and much of the Labour Party) to describe Labour's current arguments. As Straw himself says, "The debate is damaged by the tendency to pigeon-hole people and issues and come up with pejorative terms for them. What we need is a cool debate, not one conducted in slogans and with megaphones.”