Tribune, 3 August
1990
Labour's National
Executive Committee has decided to purge a second group of Trotskyists from the Labour
Party – Socialist Organiser. Paul Anderson thinks it has taken a sledgehammer
to crack some nuts
Last week's decision by the Labour Party's National
Executive Committee to proscribe Socialist Organiser is one of the strangest
it has made in years. Socialist Organiser is certainly, like Militant, a
Leninist sect with its own rules and internal discipline. But, unlike Militant, it is extremely small
and insignificant, with nothing to match Militant's record of thuggery and
corruption in Liverpool. The NEC seems to have taken a sledgehammer to crack some nuts.
Socialist Organiser has its origins in a small Trotskyist
faction expelled from Tony Cliff's International Socialists (now the Socialist
Workers' Party) in 1971. This group was led by John O'Mahony, now the editor of
Socialist Organiser newspaper, who also used, and continues to use, the Gaelic
form of his name, Sean Matgamna.
After several years outside the Labour Party under
various names, mostly spent in failed attempts to secure unity with other small
Trotskyist sects, the O'Mahony group, by now the International Communist
League, decided to join Labour. In 1978, along with several other small
Trotskyist groups inside the
Labour Party, it formed the Socialist Campaign for
Labour Victory. The Socialist Organiser
newspaper was launched as the organ of the SCLV later the same year.
The SCLV (later the Socialist Organiser Alliance) acted
as an effective hard-left front for a couple of years, playing a key role in
the mobilising for reform of the Labour Party's constitution in 1980 and 1981.
But it was an unstable coalition, constantly plagued by sectarian feuding,
particularly over Left tactics and strategy in local government. It was soon
reduced to two major constituents – O'Mahony's ICL and the Workers' Socialist
League, run by Alan Thornett.
After Thornett and O'Mahony fell out in 1983, O'Mahony
(who kept the Socialist Organiser name) seemed to go out of his way to isolate
his group from others. Always an iconoclast, he now abandoned many of the core
orthodoxies of British Trotskyism. He dropped support for Irish Republicanism
and Palestinian nationalism, criticised the bureaucratisation of the feminist
movement, and, worst of all for the keepers of the Trotskyist flame, started to
flirt with the ideas of Max Schactman, an American who broke with Trotskyism in
the forties and became much more critical than orthodox Trotskyists of
Soviet-style societies.
Meanwhile, Socialist Organiser lost its influence in
local government and concentrated its efforts on the National Organisation of
Labour Students, a handful of local Labour Parties and a few single-issue
campaigns, the most successful of which has been the Campaign for Solidarity
with Workers in the Eastern Bloc.
A Socialist Organiser front, Socialist Students in NOLS
(SSiN), mounted a half-serious challenge for control of the National Union of
Students in 1988 but proved incapable of maintaining its momentum; today,
Socialist Organiser has some 350 supporters nationwide (it claims 500), around
half of whom are students, and an effective presence in only two CLPs:
Wallasey (which had a Socialist Organiser supporter, Lol Duffy, as a
Parliamentary candidate in 1987 and submitted a Socialist Organiser model
resolution to party conference in 1989) and Nottingham East.
Socialist Organiser, in other words, is one of the
smallest Trotskyist groups in the Labour Party. It is also, by comparison with
Militant, well-behaved (there are no allegations of intimidation of other
party members, for example) and relatively open. So why has the NEC decided to
proscribe it?
The answer is simple. Wallasey, where Socialist Organiser
is strong, is next door to Birkenhead, where the CLP earlier this year chose a
local trade union official, Paul Davies, as its Parliamentary candidate
instead of the sitting MP, Frank Field.
Field, a darling of the media, refused to accept Davies's
victory, complained that Militant and Socialist Organiser had interfered in the
selection process, and threatened to resign to force a by-election on the issue
of far-left infiltration into the Labour Party.
Under such pressure – and spurred on by memories of how
Labour's poll ratings benefited from the attack on Militant in 1985 – the NEC
decided to have a go at Socialist Organiser.
After a cursory investigation that seems to have produced
as evidence only an anonymous two-page briefing prepared more than two years
ago by NOLS activists in their battle against SSiN, Socialist Organiser
appeared as an item on the agenda of the June NEC but was not discussed.
Subsequently, the NOLS briefing, which purported to
document Socialist Organiser's practice as a democratic centralist sect and to identify
the key figures in its leadership, was leaked to O'Mahony. He said that it was
riddled with inaccuracies, some libellous (including a claim that he was a
childhood member of the IRA); the NEC was presented with a
"cleaned-up" version for its July meeting last week when it issued
its ban.
O'Mahony argues that Socialist Organiser is "a
democratic collective, committed to rational democratic working-class
politics, not a cult with gurus and disciples". He complains, with reason,
that the NEC gave Socialist Organiser no chance to put its case, and has
announced that his group is "refusing to go quietly". This week
Socialist Organiser launched a campaign to defend its position in the Labour
Party.
The irony of the NEC ban is that it has already had the
effect of rallying many of Socialist Organiser's sworn enemies on the left
behind the sect. The Trotskyist groups that have spurned O'Mahony for most of
the past decade are now lining up with Tony Benn and most of the rest of the
hard left to support him. Look out for some strange platform line-ups at this
year's party conference.